The Andalusian “Las Vegas”: ethnic cleansing, destitution and public services in a Seville housing estate
Seville has a reputation in Andalucía. Its citizens, marked out for being more “pijo” (a Spanish idiom denoting poshness or swank) than the rest of the region, are stereotypically depicted in various memes as the wearers of sports scarves, pastel polo shirts and carefully curated mullets. Equally, the city itself centre boasts a wide range of ‘bougey’ boutiques and luxurious restaurants. However, as is the case in many European cities, the suburbs of Seville are radically poorer than the town centre; in addition, they are marked by their racial diversity, while the high street is almost entirely white. However, there is one particular suburb of Seville that stands out, notorious today as much as it was upon its foundation in the 60s.
This suburb is a housing estate known as Las Tres Mil Viviendas
- The Three Thousand Homes. I first encountered Las Tres Mil in a class I was
taking at the university in medieval history. The professor was talking about
the destitution that some Moorish people suffered after their effective
expulsion from Spanish society in the 16th century, when a student asked “Like
how they live in Las Tres Mil?” I was shocked by the notion these people – the
professor included – were perfectly comfortable with talking about these
citizens of the estate, equal in their rights as inhabitants of Seville, as
though they were distinctly second-class citizens, compared to destitute
medieval serfs without a second thought. While background reading doesn’t make
this comparison okay, it explains why the sevillanos
treat the residents of Las Tres Mil the way they do.
In 1968, the construction of Las Tres Mil began. The estate
was originally conceived as an ethnic barrio for Roma who had been forcibly
relocated from the central area of Triana; now a rich tourist hotspot,
culturally exploited for its former association with the Roma people. In this
regard, the construction of Las Tres Mil was a concerted effort to force the gitanos, as the Spanish call them, who
had been living in Triana for centuries, to move somewhere simultaneously
isolated and entirely segregated. It might have been undertaken under the guise
of clearing the shanty and disorder of Triana in that era, but the context of
the move carried a very clear sense of racial segregation.
While Triana was an effable melting pot of peoples, Las Tres
Mil was intended as a homogenous bloc of Roma, surrounded by other homogenous
blocs in the greater district known as the Poligono Sur. This led to the dirty
question of whether the estate – and its living conditions up to the modern day
– constitute a case of ethnic cleansing on behalf of the Francoist government
in its closing days.
Even today, the estate suffers an excessive number of
dwellings in a state of complete disrepair, or flats filled to the brim with
far too many families under one roof. Furthermore, some bus lines have been cut,
and fire services have previously refused to make their way into the estate.
However, more often than not, this exclusion is applied to one area,
specifically: they call it Las Vegas.
As an exceedingly blonde (i.e foreign-looking) boy with a
slight frame and a very poor understanding of Spanish gang culture, I have
hardly seen Las Vegas. But the stories I’ve heard from foreigners who travelled
there with trustworthy guides paint a grim picture. Gun and knife crime run
rife and the streets are a mess with uncollected rubbish. Yet in spite of this
grim image, Las Vegas is still known to maintain one part of the culture that
defined the Roma, long before they were forcibly excluded: Flamenco. On
occasion, the streets would suddenly fill with a sorrowful, melancholy chant,
very similar to that heard in Seville’s Flamenco museum. But these Roma are the
real, modern descendants of the creators of Flamenco; the appropriation by
Spaniards at large of a tradition that is not only claimed by Seville but more
specifically its gitanos only serves
to add insult to injury.
Local projects in Las Tres Mil aim to harness the raw
passion for Flamenco that has failed to dissipate in the face of economic
misery: guitar classes, dance clubs and other charity initiatives have spent
years trying to raise the hopes of gitanos
here. But these attempts have been entirely non-governmental; the abandonment
of Seville’s council (ayuntamiento)
extends that far, and further; Las Tres Mil is a hotbed of undocumented
immigrants and uneducated minors, while the adult literacy rate stands at only
26%. In this respect, the city’s position has always been to shy away from the
suburb’s problems, instead of confronting them.
The segregation of the gitanos
into one area of Seville, instead of the melting pot of Triana, has aided in
their isolation from the city at large. The bargaining power of a single
homogenous group with low education and a high number of young people (which
come together to yield a low voter turnout) is fragile at best, especially when
many adults in Las Tres Mil are likely to work on the black market. Its
citizens are at a serious risk of entering into a vicious cycle; the poor
quality of life in Las Tres Mil, and the crime that comes with it, perpetuate
an abandonment by the city council, which in turn maintains the poor quality of
life. And in tight-knit communities like this, leaving can be out of the
question.
The struggle is compounded by the position of gitanos in Spanish society. Their
culture and way of life make them easy targets for discrimination, and if that
discrimination is widely held enough, it starts seeping into policy. Nobody can
say if that seepage has diminished since the Three Thousand Homes were built.
Comparisons to Grenfell might seem heavy-handed, but the fact remains; both
were built in eras when brutalist, ultra-modern housing estates were all the
rage, and both are now unfit for purpose. When the architecture itself becomes
complicit, something has gone wrong.
In the dregs of dictatorship and the transition to
democracy, Spanish politicians signed a document they called the “Pact of
Forgetting”. As the name suggests, the Pact aimed to reduce any bubbling
factionalism in the wake of the transition, by agreeing to consign the
Francoist era to the absolute past. However, monuments to the man still stand
country-wide; his grave a giant crucifix in the hills of Madrid. Las Tres Mil, a
work of racial segregation in the guise of a housing estate, is one of these
monuments; unforgettable so long as it stands, yet an invisible city - to all sevillanos but those that live within
its walls.
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