The day the Corbynista died
Today heralds a darkened mood within the Labour Party. Jeremy Corbyn is coming under scrutiny, his objectors are being hung out to dry, and Tom Watson is having a great time at Glastonbury.
Many voices within the Labour Party are coming to the realisation that it might well be best for Jeremy Corbyn to stand down, in the aftermath of the local elections (which they didn't resoundingly win), the Scottish elections (which they definitely lost), and the EU referendum (which has led to the bitter revision of the class divide in our country, and also they lost). But why is this Labour’s, and hence Corbyn’s, responsibility?
During the referendum on the United Kingdom’s membership of the United Kingdom, it cannot be denied that Labour’s voice was a quiet one in the midst of a sea of mostly Conservative voices. Britain Stronger in Europe utilised mostly neoliberal political arguments, and judging by the lack of action by ConservativesIN, Stronger In effectively became the right wing lobby group for Remain. By comparison, Labour In for Britain has been a petty voice parroting weaker arguments already sold by Stronger In with a minute focus on job security and health workers. Whether the blame for their ineffectual campaign lies with Alan Johnson or Jeremy Corbyn himself is unknown, but the fact of the matter is 37% of Labour voters from 2015, with most of that percentage concentrated in their Northern heartlands, voted against what was effectively the party whip (only just above 5% of Labour MPs backed a Brexit). This is notable because it shows these people did not think Labour interests synonymous with their own, in this instance at least. Although many cite the fact that SNP voters showed the same split, this could have been due to SNP voters trying to edge the UK into leaving to get their own independence, or other reasons that could be backed up by the party line. The Labour party sided with the EU, clearly, but not firmly.
Corbyn was given the opportunity to work with Cameron under Stronger In, but he chose not to. Generally, his demeanour surrounding the EU campaign seemed to be one of indifference rather than passion. Labour ignored arguments that could have spoken to the working classes, such as persuading them that their problems were brought on by austerity, not immigrants, or speaking about how staying in the EU helps us help other people entrenched in poverty across the continent – and how this actually makes them less likely to emigrate.
Suffice to say, Labour In for Britain ran a bad campaign. It was the nail in Corbyn’s coffin after months of on-and-off infighting. Looking back, Corbyn seems to have consistently made his job more difficult by refusing to relent on multiple points of conflict within his party and sticking stubbornly to a traditional model of politics that even Hilary Benn’s father probably wouldn’t credit.
The presence of Momentum and Corbyn supporters on social media has helped to create an echo chamber for North London politics not widely shared by ostensive Labour voters across the country. How much you or I might support them, the truth is that selling them to those across the country that so desperately need left wing policy just hasn’t worked, because our salesman is a controversial one.
The above led to a call on Friday for a motion of no confidence in Corbyn, planned by Margaret Hodge, MP for Barking, and Ann Coffey, MP for Stockport. The motion was recommended to be tabled at the PLP meeting the following Tuesday. This seemed premature and presumptuous at the time, given that there had been little time for Labour to consider why their campaign had not succeeded. However, it did promote anti-Corbyn sentiment amongst party supporters. It helped breed more talk of problems within the party and it helped exemplify the unhealthy image that Labour was becoming a party in crisis. The coup that disaffiliates of Corbyn had been looking forward to for months, had finally happened.
On Saturday night, with the motion’s future unknown (denied by Corbyn, acknowledged by the party and the media), another crushing story came out. Hilary Benn had been fired from the Shadow Cabinet by Corbyn. It had been known the following night that Benn had gathered other Shadow Cabinet members in an attempt to rally support against Corbyn. His message was, either Corbyn resigned, or Hilary, and his ragtag band of disloyal (and, worryingly, some loyal) cabinet members would resign themselves. Corbyn’s response was ham-handed, with an illusion of power and a tinge of authoritarianism. However, it would be wrong to blame Corbyn. Benn handed him a poison chalice: lose half your Shadow Cabinet, or resign. A rock and a hard place spring to mind. Regardless, Corbyn had lost the support of most of his decision-making body, and already, 11 shadow cabinet members are set to resign.
Many voices within the Labour Party are coming to the realisation that it might well be best for Jeremy Corbyn to stand down, in the aftermath of the local elections (which they didn't resoundingly win), the Scottish elections (which they definitely lost), and the EU referendum (which has led to the bitter revision of the class divide in our country, and also they lost). But why is this Labour’s, and hence Corbyn’s, responsibility?
During the referendum on the United Kingdom’s membership of the United Kingdom, it cannot be denied that Labour’s voice was a quiet one in the midst of a sea of mostly Conservative voices. Britain Stronger in Europe utilised mostly neoliberal political arguments, and judging by the lack of action by ConservativesIN, Stronger In effectively became the right wing lobby group for Remain. By comparison, Labour In for Britain has been a petty voice parroting weaker arguments already sold by Stronger In with a minute focus on job security and health workers. Whether the blame for their ineffectual campaign lies with Alan Johnson or Jeremy Corbyn himself is unknown, but the fact of the matter is 37% of Labour voters from 2015, with most of that percentage concentrated in their Northern heartlands, voted against what was effectively the party whip (only just above 5% of Labour MPs backed a Brexit). This is notable because it shows these people did not think Labour interests synonymous with their own, in this instance at least. Although many cite the fact that SNP voters showed the same split, this could have been due to SNP voters trying to edge the UK into leaving to get their own independence, or other reasons that could be backed up by the party line. The Labour party sided with the EU, clearly, but not firmly.
Corbyn was given the opportunity to work with Cameron under Stronger In, but he chose not to. Generally, his demeanour surrounding the EU campaign seemed to be one of indifference rather than passion. Labour ignored arguments that could have spoken to the working classes, such as persuading them that their problems were brought on by austerity, not immigrants, or speaking about how staying in the EU helps us help other people entrenched in poverty across the continent – and how this actually makes them less likely to emigrate.
Suffice to say, Labour In for Britain ran a bad campaign. It was the nail in Corbyn’s coffin after months of on-and-off infighting. Looking back, Corbyn seems to have consistently made his job more difficult by refusing to relent on multiple points of conflict within his party and sticking stubbornly to a traditional model of politics that even Hilary Benn’s father probably wouldn’t credit.
The above led to a call on Friday for a motion of no confidence in Corbyn, planned by Margaret Hodge, MP for Barking, and Ann Coffey, MP for Stockport. The motion was recommended to be tabled at the PLP meeting the following Tuesday. This seemed premature and presumptuous at the time, given that there had been little time for Labour to consider why their campaign had not succeeded. However, it did promote anti-Corbyn sentiment amongst party supporters. It helped breed more talk of problems within the party and it helped exemplify the unhealthy image that Labour was becoming a party in crisis. The coup that disaffiliates of Corbyn had been looking forward to for months, had finally happened.
On Saturday night, with the motion’s future unknown (denied by Corbyn, acknowledged by the party and the media), another crushing story came out. Hilary Benn had been fired from the Shadow Cabinet by Corbyn. It had been known the following night that Benn had gathered other Shadow Cabinet members in an attempt to rally support against Corbyn. His message was, either Corbyn resigned, or Hilary, and his ragtag band of disloyal (and, worryingly, some loyal) cabinet members would resign themselves. Corbyn’s response was ham-handed, with an illusion of power and a tinge of authoritarianism. However, it would be wrong to blame Corbyn. Benn handed him a poison chalice: lose half your Shadow Cabinet, or resign. A rock and a hard place spring to mind. Regardless, Corbyn had lost the support of most of his decision-making body, and already, 11 shadow cabinet members are set to resign.
This all happened in the context of a twitter account run in Corbyn’s name continually pumping out pro-Corbyn propaganda in a time of crisis while largely refusing to acknowledge the problem. This exemplifies an issue that has been going on for months. The creation of Momentum, the galvanisation of support for a mirage of Jez and the ignorance of voices to the contrary is representative of a wider echo chamber Corbyn has been creating since his inauguration. While it seems clear that the metropolitan politics peddled by Corbyn isn’t going according to plan, with his approval ratings actually below those of Ed Miliband on the same time scale, his supporters would happily believe that he is our political saviour. It appears clear now, more than ever, that he is not. Finished by his refusal to recognise what his party has been trying to tell him for 9 months straight, Corbyn must give up his seat to the next challenger. A rousing campaigner he may be, but a great parliamentarian, he is not.Labour MP on why they're acting now: "There's no safe seat north of Islington."— George Eaton (@georgeeaton) June 26, 2016
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